Law Offices of peter allen Newsletter

The Nexus Of Persecution: Challenges in U.S. Asylum Applications

5/31/2024

A common question in immigration law revolves around the balance between national sovereignty and international law. Generally, it is accepted that a country has the right to control its borders and determine who can enter or be removed from its territory. However, since World War II, there has been widespread recognition of a humanitarian obligation for countries to protect individuals who cannot return to their home countries due to persecution.

Defining persecution in the United States has been complex. Since 1980, the U.S. has used the definition of persecution found in the Refugee Relief Act, which aligns with the UN protocol on refugees. However, judicial interpretations by the Board of Immigration Appeals and federal courts have imposed a stricter standard than many other countries under the UN protocol. Asylum or refugee applicants must demonstrate past or future persecution based on five categories: race, ethnicity, political opinion, social group, and sexuality. They must also prove they belong to socially identifiable groups with a history of persecution or face a substantial likelihood of persecution if returned to their home country.

American courts refer to this requirement as “nexus,” meaning the persecution must be tied to an identifiable, socially recognized category. This standard poses challenges in immigration courts, where legal aid is limited, and many applicants represent themselves. Even with legal representation, convincing immigration judges that persecution is due to a permanent characteristic can be difficult. Judges may argue that relocating within the country could mitigate the hardship.

This situation raises questions about due process. The Supreme Court has defined due process as "the process which is due," typically determined by Congress rather than the Constitution. Aliens are entitled to procedural due process, not substantive due process, meaning they are guaranteed a process designated by Congress but not necessarily a favorable outcome.

Procedure can sometimes be seen as material, blurring the lines between substantive and procedural issues. Immigration lawyers must convince judges to consider humanitarian perspectives. In some cases, applicants may be granted humanitarian asylum, even without meeting the five grounds for protection, if the threat of persecution is severe.

The role of the advocate is crucial in these cases, where relief often depends on the discretion of the immigration judge. Discretion has been whimsically described as "bottomed on the chancellor's foot," referring to historical decisions made by the Lord Chancellor of England, sometimes influenced by personal conditions like gout.  Therefore, it is beneficial to hope for a sympathetic judge and a lawyer attuned to the judge's disposition.

This has been Peter Allen.

Law Offices of Peter Allen

From Arrival to Departure: The Journey Through Removal Proceedings

4/12/2024

In the world of immigration, discourse surrounding removal orders is often clouded in confusion and as a result, very frequently overlooked. The most delicate aspect of practice before the immigration court concerning appeals from removal orders is that appeals require a final order to be issued by the immigration judge, either because the respondent failed to appear for their hearing, or failed to file a timely appeal to the Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA). In cases where the respondent is seeking to reopen their removal proceedings based on a reasonable fear of persecution or torture, the petition to review must be filed more that 30 days after the removal decision has become administratively final and the claim of persecution or torture has not been previously considered by the BIA. If the removal order is then reopened, the respondent cannot then litigate any issue other than his or her persecution or torture claim. If the claim is then accepted, the respondent is only entitled to withholding of removal, precluding any ability to obtain lawful permanent resident (LPR) status. It should be noted that while a person granted withholding of removal cannot be granted LPR status, they may also not be deported unless the United States Government finds a country where they will not be persecuted and is willing to admit them. Now, a beneficiary of withholding may still qualify for residence status through marriage status or a petition filed by a United States Citizen (USC) or LPR. 

Recently, on February 27, 2024, the United States Court of Appeals for the 7th Circuit held that a removal order reinstated following an alien respondent’s unlawful entry into the United States, is not administratively final until sometime subsequent to the proceedings that determine whether the respondent would likely be persecuted or tortured if they were to be removed and a petition for reinstatement is filed more than 30 days after the original removal order was issued. In such circumstances, the respondent is not eligible for any relief except where they identify a threat of persecution or torture pursuant to the United Nations Convention Against Torture. In such cases, the alien will then be referred to an asylum officer who will determine whether they have a credible fear of persecution should they be returned to their home country. If the asylum officer then rules in their favor, the case will be brought before an immigration judge, where they may seek withholding of removal.If the asylum officer rules against the respondent, the respondent then may appeal the decision to the immigration judge, and if unsuccessful, may subsequently file a petition for review with the court of appeals. 

To clarify, for an alien respondent to qualify for asylum related relief, they must establish a reasonable fear of persecution or torture, based on past persecution or torture, or a reasonable fear of future persecution. However, this must be unique to the respondent based on race, religion, political position, membership in a particular social group, or desire to solicit certain information from the alien applicant. So, for example, if an alien is subject to torture but it is not due to a unique identifier and is an otherwise relatively common occurrence in their country, they will not be eligible for asylum based relief. In other words, the position of the United States is that if everybody in a particular region is being tortured regardless of any unique identifier, they do not qualify for asylum based relief because that could then qualify large percentages of entire countries or regions for asylum. 

Asylum may be claimed upon arrival at the United States border, or in a removal hearing, as well as subsequent to the conclusion of a removal hearing. In some cases, an applicant may qualify for humanitarian asylum where it is not necessary to show a nexus, or a connection, between harm that has been or will be suffered, and one of the humanitarian grounds for asylum listed in the United Nations Convention Against Torture. Additionally, a deportable alien who arrives at the border of the United States may be deported without referral to an immigration judge, or released pending a removal hearing. If the alien is able to establish a credible claim to asylum, their claim will be referred with a positive recommendation to the immigration judge. If the asylum officer's decision is unfavorable, the decision is subject to review by the immigration judge, but in most cases, there is no judicial review available. 

Litigation surrounding removal of respondents is historically one of the most crucial areas where respondents’ rights are tantamount. When a decision seems final, there are often multiple avenues that can be explored in order to receive a more favorable outcome. Such is to say that in immigration proceedings, nothing is ever really final and there is always hope to continue fighting your fight. 




I Wish You the Very Best,


Peter Allen

Law Offices of Peter Allen

Navigating the Legal Landscape: Understanding the Implications of Texas SB4

4/05/2024

In the United States, when a legislature enacts a law, the enforcement of statute can be stopped by obtaining an injunction against the enforcement of that statute. An appeal can be taken from the decision granting that injunction. During the pendency of this appeal to a higher court, the lower court is able to grant an administrative stay of a stay that is pending appeal. The purpose of the administrative stay in such circumstances is to permit the reviewing court more time to determine whether to issue a stay pending appeal. This requires showing that the plaintiff is likely to prevail on merits of his appeal and would suffer significant harm if his request for stay pending appeal is not granted. In the history of the United States, the decision made last week is the first instance of the Supreme Court granting an administrative stay to an inferior court in order to allow that court to have additional time to decide whether or not a stay pending appeal should be granted.   

Last week’s case involved Texas’ recently enacted S.B.4 anti-immigration law. In this statute, the Texas legislature intended to rid non-citizens from the state and prevent others from attempting to enter, despite the pendency of action by the federal immigration agencies. 

Following its enactment, an injunction staying the operation of that statute from taking place was issued by the federal district court and an appeal was subsequently taken by the State of Texas to the fifth circuit court of appeals. Prior to any decision on the stay pending the appeal, the Supreme Court dissolved the district court’s injunction and issued an administrative stay, permitting the enforcement of the Texas statute pending the 5th Circuit’s decision on a stay pending the appeal. 

Given the intensity of the debate surrounding this decision, it may come as a surprise that neither the Constitution nor the Bill of Rights discusses immigration except in reference to stopping the importation of slaves and securing a uniform law of naturalization. However, no uniform federal immigration law concerning the admission and expulsion of non-citizens existed in the period prior to the American Civil War. This may have been due to the view that immigration was an expression of the traditional police powers exercised by the several states and reserved to them by the 10th amendment to the U.S. Constitution. As a matter of record, the states had enacted their own immigration laws in the period following their independence from the English Crown. In some cases, this legislation dated back to the British Colonial period. In this era, immigration, was left to colonial administration but administration over citizenship was split between colonial administration and parliamentary regulation.

In the 1840’s, the supreme court ruled that state immigration laws financed by a poll tax on arriving aliens was in violation of the interstate commerce clause. In the 1880’s the Supreme Court upheld federal restrictions on the immigration of Chinese workers on the basis that the federal executive agencies have broad authority over the admission of non-citizens and their expulsion, and that this power is nearly exclusive. 

As Justice Sotomayor pointed out in her dissent, the Supreme Court, in recognizing an administrative stay favoring the enforcement of the Texas statute, upended the federal-state balance of power that has existed for more than 100 years and invites further chaos and crisis. There is no sharing of intelligence between the State of Texas and the United States. There is no provision in the Texas statute that preserves the rights of non-citizens to asylum and other federal rights under federal law and thereby violates the right of every person in the United States to equal protection and due process.


 Moreover, since at least 1880, the Supreme Court has never upheld state authority with regard to the admission and exclusion of non-citizens. In this regard, it is difficult to imagine why the 5th circuit rewarded a lengthy period for deciding whether the state of Texas was likely to convince the Supreme Court that it has the constitutional authority to admit and expel non-citizens from its borders. Public safety and national security threats presented by a border overwhelmed by non-citizens require a federal policy that imposes solutions on a uniform basis rather than a state by state approach that fails to balance human rights and national interests in an even handed manner. 


As of 4/05/2024, Texas has taken the position that they will turn over any noncitizens to the Immigration Service, which is effectively what they are currently doing and have been doing. With this position taken by the State of Texas, it is unlikely that they will be able to enforce their desired SB4 laws. 



Happy Spring!

Peter Allen 

Law Offices of Peter Allen

Navigating the Northern Gateway: Exploring the Dynamics of Immigration from Canada

12/08/2023


America’s oldest border is its border with Canada. In fact, the Canadian border was the subject of the first treaty adopted by the United States, and in that treaty the rights of migration of indigenous people across the border between British dominions and American dominions was established. But, the border was not fixed in all of its parts, and is still not today. After all, it was only a few years ago that there was a dispute between the US and Canada that went to the International Court of Justice on the question of the US-Canadian border. Now, what has created all of this furor between the US and Canada? Well, when we look at the historical context, we can see that this border question has been generated by a resource question. That is: which side is going to get the benefit of natural resources that lie across the border? At the same time however, there has been a migration flow between the two countries in the sense that their policies, that is, the policies between the British authorities in Canada, and later the Canadian authorities themselves, and the United States have been close, but not identical. It is also true that Canada has conducted its international relations in a slightly different fashion than the United States. This has generated an immigration policy in Canada that is slightly different than the United States, and therefore has allowed a broader number of people into Canada whose ultimate objective is the United States. 

Significant weight should also be placed on Canada's unique history in which part of the dominion was loyal to the British throne and part of it to the French Republic. In fact, there is actually a separate provision for immigration regulation in the province of Quebec. In Quebec, generally, French speaking immigrants are given a significant advantage immigration-wise, than they would be when applying for immigration in Canada in general. This has meant that a number of third country aliens have used Canada as a jumping off point. Also, historically there has been a somewhat different policy with respect to drug enforcement and with respect to criminal matters. The Canadians generally do not favor the death penalty whereas the US, of course, abolished the death penalty and then re-established it with the Gregg v. Georgia decision in 1976. It is also interesting to note that the economies of Canada and the United States, while dependent on each other, are not exactly identical. 

An additional  interesting development has been the establishment of the North American Free Trade Agreement, which has eased immigration between both Mexico and the United States, and the United States and Canada. This has also meant that there are a certain number of aliens flowing on a non-immigrant basis between the three countries. I note that it’s non-immigrant and not permanent immigration, largely because the three countries have refused to amend their immigration laws to bring them into compliance with each other. This means in order to have an immigration policy, it would have to be a policy based on temporary entry, rather than permanent entry. This has now led to a situation in which across the northern border as well as across the southern border, there is an increasing number of unauthorized aliens. That is to say third country individuals who have tried to cross the borders of the three countries without appropriate documentation. Of course, there is also the direct non-immigration from Canada and Mexico, but most of the problem has been third country aliens, rather than Canadians or Americans and increasingly fewer and fewer Mexicans. Because even along the southern border, an increasing percentage of unauthorized entrants have been from countries other than Mexico. 

It would seem that this problem could be approached for a solution by looking at the European model. That is, looking at the European economic communities regulations with respect  to man power between its constituent contributions. That would require a more precise mechanism for controlling and determining who could cross the border, when they could cross the border and for instilling the policy. The reason is that at the present time, the flow depends largely on border enforcement in the three countries. Generally there is no appellate review of the decisions made at the borders.   This has meant the border decisions could be somewhat disparate and inconsistent, and thereby cause a certain amount of frustration among people who claim their due process rights have been denied. For such people who make these claims, it should be noted that the due process, which is afforded to people under the American Fourteenth Amendment, is not applied until those people make it into the United States. So, if they're at the border, they cannot insist on due process rights because the sovereignty of the United States, the sovereignty of Canada, and the sovereignty of Mexico do not exist until you've crossed the border. For instance, many years ago, I had a client who was accused of having an illegal entry into the United States from Canada. Upon investigation, we discovered this position taken by the US government was incorrect because he had ATTEMPTED to enter the United States and cross the fifty feet between the US border and the Canadian border but the Canadian authorities would not admit him and escorted him back to the United States. Therefore, he never made an entry into Canada. And because he had never made an entry into Canada he could not conceivably be thought of as having made an illegal entry into the United States because he never left. So this is a poignant example of how leaving and returning is not always a simple question.   It also illustrates how immigration problems are never resolved, but always require a little tinkering, like with an old watch that slows down after a while. 



Questions or Comments? I welcome your replies!


Peter Allen 

Law Offices of Peter Allen

Building Bridges: Exploring Potential Resolutions to the Israel-Hamas Conflict

12/01/2023


At the conclusion of the First World War, the League of Nations set up a series of mandates in the Middle East. The most notable of these was the British mandate in Palestine and the French mandate in Lebanon. Now, it's interesting that the Palestinian mandate eventually became the State of Israel and incorporated the territory now associated with the West Bank and Gaza. Under the mandate system, the British were supposed to bring the residents of Palestine into some type of orderly system. At that point, Palestine consisted of two principal populations: Jews and Arabs. Both of these populations featured families that had been there for centuries, as well as immigrants who were new to the territory. With this as the background, it seems particularly appropriate to consider the possibility of the United Nations creating a mandate or a trusteeship in Gaza, and making the Egyptians the mandate power. It seems particularly apt when it's considered that Gaza after all, was historically part of Sinai, and Sinai has been part of Egypt for centuries. In fact, Gaza remained Egyptian territory until the end of the 1957 Suez Crisis, when the UN established Gaza as a trusteeship between Egypt and Israel. It remained this type of international area until the Egyptians asked the United Nations to withdraw shortly before the Six Day War in 1967. 

At that point, at the conclusion of the 1967 war, the Israelis took control of Gaza until 2005 when they decided they would designate it as an independent territory within the State of Israel. The intention was that Gaza would be part of the Palestinian state that it was promised by the United Nations as a part of the 1948 Partition Plan for Israel, which ended the British mandate and birthed the State of Israel. However, since 2005, it has been necessary for Israel to gradually squeeze the people of Gaza by destroying their vital infrastructures. This of course, has led to much consternation among the people living within Gaza, who have been essentially trapped except for the occasional work permit or medical leave. It would appear that internationalization of Gaza is the only way to assure the Israeli government that there will not be a re-creation of the terrorist organization. Consequently, the most appropriate government for administering that area is evidently Egypt, since for most of Gaza's history, it has been Egyptian. However, it is obvious that the Egyptian economy is not sufficient to withstand the pressure of administering Gaza. Therefore, I would propose the United Nations set up an Egyptian mandate or a trusteeship in Gaza and have that political unit financed by the wealthier, oil rich countries of the region. This would guarantee the ability to develop Gaza industrially and otherwise. This arrangement would also assure the Israelis there will not be a re-creation of any terrorist element because the Arab countries would not want to finance anything that would lead to a separate regime which might move to replace the present heads of state.

Obviously, such a proposal has problems, since the Egyptians would not be particularly keen on moving into Gaza and administering the Palestinians because of the fact that Hammas, after all, had its birth in the Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt; a group that attempted to topple President Gamal Abdel Nasser. Additionally, it is a group that has made its appearance at other times in Egypt, and never in peaceful means. Also, the Israelis might not be totally nullified with an Arab administration since the thinking would be that in an Arab country, there is always the possibility of some manner of terrorist or fundamental organization taking over the government. All of these things are true which is why the penultimate power in any type of trusteeship or mandate would have to be the United States, in order to make sure the Arab governments would in fact be following the correct and humane mechanism for developing the Palestinians. 

It is obvious that at some point in the future, the Palestinians in Gaza, as well as on the West Bank, will have to be given their right to a plebiscite to decide what their ultimate political fate is; whether it is to be some type of union with Israel, or whether they want an independent state. They then need to decide how that independent state will be administered. The bottom line is that in any instance, a peaceful future in that region is the only reasonable future that region has. War, after all, may be to the temporary advantage of the victor. But in the long run, even the victor suffers from victory in the sense that the loser will always be looking for a way to even the score. So let us try to eliminate the cause of future war by looking at the irritants that created the war in the present time and at the present moment. 





Peace to All,

Peter Allen 

Law Offices of Peter Allen

Another Step Toward Informed Thinking

11/22/2023


Some people have provided the supposition that the current Hamas- Israeli war of 2023 is related to the 1973 Arab-Israeli war. In fact, the two conflicts are quite distant from each other except by geography. It has to be remembered that in 1973, Israel was confronted by conventional forces of Egypt, Syria and to some degree, Jordan. In 1973, the Palestinians did not exist as a separate military force, either conventionally or in terms of guerrilla action. It has to be understood that the 1973 war began essentially when the 1967 war ended. That is, it began with the Israelis having established the Bar Lev wall along the Suez canal. At that point, the Israelis controlled all of the Sinai Peninsula, including Gaza. And they controlled the West Bank as well as territories behind the West Bank as far as Mount Harman, fairly close to the Syrian border. 

An interesting note of similarity between the 1973 war and the 2023 war is that, in both cases, there were rumors about upcoming hostility that were ignored by the Israeli government. In 1973, apparently Jordanian sources notified Israel of the fact that the Egyptians were going to move against Israel, and the Israelis paid no attention to it. In 2023 there were also rumors that the Palestinians, in the form of Hamas, were going to move against Israel. In 1973, Egyptian President Anwar El-Sadat, formed a coalition of Syria aided by Jordan. They produced a combined command that decided they were going to move during a Jewish holiday, Yom Kippur, when they felt the Israelis would be the least prepared for war. 

At this point, the Israelis felt fairly secure because they were behind great walls of sand in the Bar Lev line, established following the 1967 Six-Day War by their namesake, General Haim Bar-Lev. However the Egyptians were savvy enough to figure out they could move the sand with water and were able to take down the sand pits and use two bridges to cross the Suez Canal. The Israelis underestimated the ability of the Egyptians to move troops across the Suez Canal and were able to advance significantly into Israeli controlled territory during the early days of the war. At the same time, the Syrians were able to move into Israel from Mount Hermon toward the Israeli homeland. However, the Israelis were able to switch tactics quick enough to eventually entrap the Egyptian army 25 miles from Cairo. They were able to do the same on the Syrian side around Mount Hermon, about 20 miles away from Damascus. 

Now, an important point, and the point of significant departure between 1973 conflict and the 2023 conflict is that in 1973, the Israelis were dealing with conventional forces where a conventional resolution based upon territorial concessions could be negotiated with both the Egyptians and the Syrians. Such a thing in 2023 is not feasible because in 2023, the Israelis are dealing with a guerrilla force, rather than a sovereign nation. Additionally, the guerrilla power is centered in an area already under the sovereignty of Israel. Gaza, after all, had been given autonomy, but not sovereignty by Israel in 2005. This was part of General Ariel Sharon’s attempt to settle Palestinian sovereignty claims, by giving them the small enclave of Gaza. Of course, General Sharon’s tactic eventually failed because the Israelis assumed Gaza would be controlled by the Palestinian Authority, and that the Palestinian Authority would want to maintain peaceful relations with the State of Israel in order to move beyond the Madrid Accords, toward full sovereignty.

 Unfortunately, that anticipation failed because the two sides were not able to get beyond the Madrid Accords and negotiate final settlement talks. In addition, within two years of the withdrawal of Israeli settlers from Gaza, Hamas won an election against the Palestinian Authority and immediately began building a military response to Israel. The Israeli answer to the Palestinian response was to increase the tightness on Gaza: to destroy its airport, to destroy its seaport, to limit the imports that could come into Gaza as a way of taking away Hamas’ ability to build a military force against Israel. Ultimately of course, that tactic failed, because as we know of world history, no wall, physical or metaphorical,  is ever totally successful. After all, the Great Wall of China existed for 2000 years, but was eventually breached by the Mongols.

So, the question now is: after the Israelis finish their operation in Gaza, which they inevitably will due to their firepower superiority, what happens in the latter days? Do the Israelis keep the military permanently around the borders of Gaza? Or do they come up with some kind of technique to control the territory? The problem with the Israeli perspective of Palestinian authority is they are not effective at preventing security risks to Israel. At the same time, Israeli settlers on the West Bank are in fact fomenting violence against the Palestinians under the control of the Palestinian Authority. So, Palestinian authority seemingly cannot be trusted. Additionally, Gaza can’t be put under Egyptian control because the Egyptians have had a very bitter experience dealing with national militancy.  It should be noted that Hamas was originally created as a branch of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, which had attempted to assassinate Gamal Abdel Nasser when he was president, and that it was given life-saving oxygen by the Israelis early in its existence, at a time when Israel viewed Hamas as an alternative to Al-Fattah, which eventually morphed into the Palestinian Authority. 

Thus, the question becomes: Is there any power that can take over Gaza and satisfy the Israeli quest for national security, and at the same time, satisfy the Palestinian quest for sovereignty?  A question, because at this point, the UN is not in a position to send a multinational force, and it appears that the Arab countries are not prepared to move into Gaza and possibly lose manpower in the effort. How then is Palestine, as represented by Gaza, to be placated? It has to be noted that from the Palestinian point of view, Israel is an alien force. From their perspective, it should all be Arab, because after all, before Israel was created in 1948, it was all Arab, except that the territory was owned by Turks and the Arabs were timid farmers. Consequently, do we return to the 1948 UN Borders? The 1967 UN borders? The 1973 UN borders? What are the borders to define Palestinian sovereignty and Israeli sovereignty? Principally, we’re faced with two choices: Either one superstate including both Palestinians and Jews. Or, two states: one Palestinian and one Israeli. It seems obvious that from a historical strategic viewpoint, the two state solution is the only possibility. And yet, that cannot happen, unless the Israelis are willing to accept it. To accept the two state solution means to cut the increasing role of the settler movement both on the ground as well as in the Knesset itself. We can only hope sounder minds prevail and some type of rationality can bring the sides together and increase prosperity for both. 




Happy Thanksgiving to All!

Peter Allen

Law Offices of Peter Allen 

Unraveling the Threads: An Exploration of Border Politics

 11/16/2023

The issue of borders and military support for Ukraine, which have featured prominently in the current budget battle between President Biden and the conservative majority in the House of Representatives, is really an example of national obligation versus perceived international responsibility. In the case of borders, the House conservatives argue that the overflow at the southern border is due to the Biden Administration's unwise decision to withdraw from Title 42 and the Remain in Mexico Program, both of which were pursued to a great degree by the Trump Administration, and which had the effect of reducing illegal immigration but at the cost of violating the UN protocol on the status of refugees. 

However, following the reversal of these policies by the Biden administration, there was a steep increase in the amount of illegal immigration flowing into the country. As a result, the Biden Administration instituted a new asylum policy requiring prospective refugees to register for asylum consideration prior to arriving in the United States. That attempt, however, failed because of problems with the administration of that policy and with the refusal of thousands to pay any attention to it. 

Furthermore, on the Ukraine front, the United States under the Trump Administration attempted to restrict the use of U.S. weapons by Ukraine and tried to enlist the Ukrainian Government into making a criminal case against Biden and his son, both of which failed. However, in both the case of borders, as well as in the case of military support, the source of the problem is not what it appears. The actual source of the problem is in the failure of the United States to deal with these problems in a regional mechanism. That is, by pushing NATO as a source of support to Ukraine, taking the restrictions off of U.S. weapons to allow Ukraine to effectively repulse the Russian military from its borders and on the border question by not dealing with the problem of illegal immigration at its source, that is in the very places in which illegal immigrants have been forced to flea; namely Venezuela and Nicaragua. 

In times past, persons such as President Reagan attempted to deal with that very problem in what was called “The Caribbean Basement Initiative”. The point is whether people stay in Mexico awaiting a decision in their asylum case in the United States, or whether people file for asylum in Mexico before they come to the U.S. In either case, these situations do not resolve the problem. Neither does Title 42, which allowed the Trump Administration to remove immigrants from the United States without the virtue of a hearing by accusing them as being the source of Covid-19. What will solve the problem is regional cooperation, both in Latin-America as well as in Europe. And it is to be hoped that both sides of the current dispute, both the conservative majority in the house, as well as the liberal majority will learn their lesson, and the American People will not be subject to a continuous debate that doesn’t actually solve anything.

The same dichotomy between domestic and foreign policy over the question of a border can also be seen in the Middle East, where since 2005, Israel has attempted to protect itself from the excesses of Palestinian terrorism by setting up the city of Gaza as a city of walls and preventing any growth inside of self-determination which it views as a threat to itself. And its policy of suppression concentration has shown that walls don't work because in fact this policy in Israel has caused an explosion which has resulted in the death of 1400 Israelis and thousands of Palestinians, as Israel has sought revenge. But of course, Israel has not been able to fully eliminate the source of that violence because the terrorist took hostages. Coincidentally, this is similar to the southern border whereby putting a wall up, we think we can block the United States from the perceived evils of South America but as it turns out that evil seems to still permeate across the border, despite the wall. 

And it also features in the leadership struggle of the republican party where they were unable to find a speaker because they could not find enough republicans who were willing to believe that somebody else’s opinion dispute their own, could possibly be worthwhile. So, now we have a situation in which a fractious republican majority in the house can't move except in tandem with a democratic president who is dedicated to the principles that they are vehemently opposed to. And a senate that is split between that republican fractious majority and the more moderate democratic senate. 

In the scope of the world, we have a war that is bound to get worse. Even recently, there was word over agitation between the border between Lebanon and Israel, and on the West Bank between those communities of Palestine and Israel and Iranian backed terrorists in Yemen and Iranian backed terrorists in Syria. So what does all of this tell us? 

Simply put, this tells us that for politics to be successful, there is a requirement that domestic politics always pay attention to foreign politics. This situation is relatively parallel to the conflict between Ukraine and Russia because when the veil of brutality is pierced, that is also a border crisis at its heart.  The reason the Russians are so involved in Ukraine is because for some 300 years, Ukraine was affiliated with the Russians. So, to part company with a power who has been a part of your nation for three centuries, is obviously challenging. But again, Mr. Putin refuses to recognize that domestic policy cannot totally ignore foreign policy. So, it is to be hoped that the Biden administration, together with its republican opposition, and the American allies throughout the world, can figure out a way in which there is synergy between the domestic and foreign.  



Happy Thanksgiving to All!

Peter Allen 

Law Offices of Peter Allen